He was the first chairman of the committee preparing the report,

He was the first chairman of the committee preparing the report, but stepped aside and published a minority standpoint at the end of the report (Health Council of the Netherlands 1988). One of his concerns was that the decentralised organisation of prenatal care in the Netherlands, mostly in the hands of midwives in primary care, left little time for retesting and follow-up after the first screening test in the sixteenth week

of pregnancy. He also considered the bad test characteristics as problematic as false positive outcomes could cause unnecessary anxiety in pregnant women. Another issue that was brought up by him on various occasions was the fact that the risk assessment of genetic screening tests did not meet the standards of prenatal diagnosis. He was concerned that the public trust in genetic counselling and prenatal diagnosis—something that he had carefully helped to establish in the previous years—would LY333531 in vivo be undermined (van El et al. 2010a,b). In 1989, the Dutch government decided not to implement maternal serum screening for neural tube

SB202190 price defects (Parliamentary documentation 1989–1990a). The decision was based on the WHO criteria written by Wilson and Jungner (1968). The test characteristics were found to be inadequate; there were too many false positives and false negatives. Since there was no treatment available, the criterion that only treatable disorders should be screened was not met. The test was considered to be unacceptable for the Dutch population. In a case of a positive test result, further invasive testing might cause an iatrogenic abortion. This was an ethical limit the government did not want to cross. Furthermore, psychological strain and medicalisation were mentioned as casting shadows over Morin Hydrate the ‘joyful period of pregnancy’. The government explicitly mentioned its concern that pressure from health care workers or public opinion might constrain the option of not taking a test. The government’s involvement might exert an ‘important influence’ in that respect (Parliamentary Documentation 1989–1990a). In Parliament, all parties from the left to right wing, including parties representing Christian denominations

supported the government’s decision not to implement screening (Parliamentary Documentation 1989–1990b). Dutch Mdivi1 manufacturer obstetric health care professionals were divided concerning the screening test. In the north of the Netherlands, screening had been offered on a small scale on a research basis. Obstetricians in that area had expected to continue or expand that practice. In 1990, at an obstetric conference to which foreign experts had been invited, pleas were made regarding serum screening (Mantingh et al. 1991). In the Dutch Journal for Midwives, the subject was heavily debated. The professional organisation, the Dutch Society of Obstetrics and Gynaecology, decided not to support serum screening. Patient organisations were also divided.

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